Slimane Azem è stato sopportato il 19 settembre 1918 in Agouni Gueghrane, un piccolo villaggio situato sui contrafforti dei supporti di Djurdjura. Niente predestined questo legare del coltivatore modesto con un corso musicale. Schoolboy piuttosto povero, impassions soltanto per i Fables della fontana che influenzerà tutte le relative scritture e composizioni. Con il 11 anno invecchiare, esso si trasforma in in agricolo impiegato in un colonizzatore di Staoueli, piccolo ricorso del seaside vicino ad Algeri (sulla relativa spiaggia aveva avvenuto lo scarico francese in 1830). In 1937, scarica in Longwy e trova un lavoro del funzionamento in acciaieria prima della mobilitazione, ai tempi “di divertente della guerra„, in Issoudun. In 1940, è riformata e da va via a Parigi in cui è agganciata come assistenza dell'elettricista nel sottopassaggio. Due anni in seguito, subisce la deportazione dalle truppe tedesche e dal remains in Renania fino al relativo rilascio, in 1945, dagli Americani. Una voce dura, durante la lotta per indipendenza, ha insinuato che il villaggio natale di Slimane avrebbe adottato le forze d'occupazione francesi. La collaborazione indicata, il cantante è costretta per depositarsi in Francia in 1962. Si trasforma in in una voce leggendaria allora che gli algerini là possono ascoltare soltanto su Parigi radiofonica nel suo kabyle quotidiano di quindici minuti. Azem è, infatti, interdetto dell'antenna nel relativo proprio paese ed i relativi dischi circolano soltanto sotto il cappotto; si non leggerà il suo nome, in molto piccolo che in quei corti, di un giornale quotidiano del villaggio. in 1970 si verifica, con il cantante Noura, un disco di oro che lo impone gradisce una delle vendite migliori esagonale. Sta bene, nello stesso momento in cui di grandi motoscafi ad alta velocità francesi, al membro SACEM. A Parigi, prende giù l'amministrazione di un caffè nel quindicesimo distretto. Trae beneficio da esso per interpretare le relative prime composizioni là. Notato e consigliato a da Mohamed El Kamel, vecchio dell'unità di Bachtarzi (del nome di quella che la era stata denominata “Caruso di Algeri„), persevera nella canzone. Slimane registra infine il relativo primo disco con la parte “Amoh Amoh„. Trattando la malvagità del paese, i relativi dischi si strapperanno fuori essi stessi alla sig.ra Sauviat, il singolo commerciante record che vende agli album di quel tempo di Maghrebian e degli artisti orientali. Questa donna, del auvergnate di origine, a cui la conservazione degli eredi il negozio ha individuato oggi il boulevard della volta, la presenta all'azienda di Pathé-Marconi. Durante gli anni settanta, fa i duets comic con lo sceicco famoso Norredine e canta “in Algeria francese, il mio paese bello„ e “la tabella della residenza„. Con il legare delle registrazioni, Slimane Azem conquista grazie pubblici della vasta Comunità alle relative parabole dei testi dove mette negli animali di scena ed è proposto come un cantante agganciato politicamente. Allora i relativi declini di ispirazione. Non disconosce le relative radici del paese e non dedica una buona parte dei relativi profitti nell'acquisto di un podere con Moissac, di dove spende sei mesi dell'anno per coltivare il relativo nostalgia nelle relative piantagioni alberi e oliva-alberi. Morte temuta Slimane nel exile. Accade l'un 28 gennaio 1982 nel relativo podere. Oggi ancora, il kabyle artistico giovane della protezione perpetua la relativa memoria con le riprese delle relative canzoni che si rovesciano.
publié par arkam rabah dans: arkam
The Kabyles live still grouped in villages generally rather important, being able to reach several thousands of hearts and going down only seldom below five hundreds, and built on the pitons of mountains or the tops of nipples separating the valleys. That they are of lengthened or circular form, they were conceived in order to be able effectively to be defended, at least before the artillery does not make its appearance. They bear the name of touddar, plural of taddart (life, of the radical Dr., food, which one finds with this direction in all the Berber dialects). The houses all, into hard, generally without stage, red glazes of tiles, are crushed the ones on the others so much so that, seen by far, they give the impression to form only one of them, immense. The village, streaked inside by many dead ends, often cut in the rock, opens on outside only by two or three streets. It is very rare that it is surrounded by a wall. Undoubtedly it is modernized each day, but, as a whole, its face did not change. A little more than one century ago, this village constituted a unit political and administrative supplements, a body which had its own autonomy. It was managed by an assembly (djemaa) made up of all the citizens in age to carry the weapons; it ensured the respect of the payments in force, abrogeait the old ones and enacted the new ones if the need were felt some; it decided tax and war, managed the goods of mortmain and exerted without division the judicial power. By delegation, it discharged from the exercise of these capacities on a chief of the executive called, according to the areas, lamin (right-hand man), amukran (old, dignitary), ameksa (Pasteur), elected by all the major citizens brought together in plenary assembly. It chaired the djemaa, ensured the application of its decisions and prepared the businesses to be subjected to him. It was assisted in its functions by a oukil and tamen. The oukil, generally recruited within the hostile party with that of the lamin, managed the public case and controlled the intrigues of the chief of the executive. The tamen (agents) were indicated by the fractions of the village to represent them in the restricted meetings and to make apply the decisions of the assembly, which were made in full session after debates where any citizen, without reference to social condition, could emit and defend his opinions on such or such problem, to propose solutions, to be even opposed to the executive. The continuity of this politico-administrative organization was ensured by the kanoun, kinds of charters of which certain fundamental provisions must go back to the most moved back times. Although not written, they represented the most raised material authority and even took the step on the religion. 
publié par arkam rabah dans: arkam
Kabylia è una zona montagnosa (circondata dalle pianure e dal mare) del nord dell'Algeria. Il relativo nome verrebbe da Al-qabā'arabo esso (القبائل), il plurale di Al-qabīla (القبيلة), che significa “la tribù„, che avrebbe dato il lqbayel di parola di Berber. Queste confederazioni delle tribù già accennate nell'antichità sotto un nome vicino: Cabals rif. necessario. Attualmente la relativa chiamata degli abitanti esso “Tamurt N Leqvayel„ (terra dei Kabyles). Il poet gode denominarlo “tamurt idurar„, la terra delle montagne. Il paese delle montagne rappresenta Djurdjura occidentale che quei vecchi hanno chiamato “Aït Wadda “(quelli di in-basso) e Djurdjura orientale che hanno chiamato “Aït Oufella„ (quelli di in-alto). Kabylie ha un litorale che si estende su parecchie centinaia dai chilometri. Appartiene all'atlante e così è situato in bordo del Mediterraneo che gli fornisce che cosa si chiama “il kabyle del cornice„, individuato fra Bejaïa e Jijel, nel che cosa è stato denominato durante, il periodo coloniale, “piccolo Kabylie„. Per lo storico Ibn Khaldoun, rappresenta la parte del territorio che è stato denominato la provincia di Bejaïa; che cosa i kabyles anziani hanno denominato il taqbaylit di Tamawya o tamawya molto corto, “federazione del kabyle„. publié par arkam rabah dans: arkam
La Sicile est véritablement une terre de traditions. La tradition du latin traditio, de tradere (livrer) est la transmission de doctrines, de légendes, de coutumes, de manière de penser ou d'agir dans le temps de génération en génération. En Sicile, les traditions sont issues des croyances religieuses mais aussi populaires. Elles sont aussi le fruit d'un héritage pluri culturel. Elles jouent un role culturel très important en Sicile, elles influencent et rythment la vie quotidienne des siciliens. Elles se manifestent par la transmission de croyances, de rites, de coutumes, d'un savoir faire, d'un art de vivre. Ces traditions encore très suivies aujourd'hui ont donné à la sicile toute son unité et sa forte personnalité
publié par arkam rabah dans: arkam
On Saturday May 11, 2002, in an emission on the waves of radio operator Beur FM, Malika Matoub had declared that: “Said Sadi and Nordine Aït Hamouda are behind the assassination of Lounès Matoub”. Following this emission, Said Sadi and Nordine Aït Hamouda attack in justice Malika Matoub for slandering. The lawsuit will take place in Paris, on May 13, 2003 at 13. 30 mn with the announced absence of Nordine Aït Hamouda. To include/understand them holding and outcomes of this business, the Foundation Lounès Matoub makes public this declaration. On June 25, 1998, Lounès Matoub is assassinated in not yet elucidated circumstances with Tala Bounane on the road of return to its native village Taourirt Moussa. Whereas persons in charge for parties political require that “all the light be made on this criminal act and that the authors are identified and judged with all the rigour of the law”, leaders of the RCD (Nordine Aït Hamouda, Said Sadi, Khalida Messaoudi, Amara Benyounès.), a few minutes after the drama for some, without investigation and evidence, declare that “in fact the Armed Islamic Groups (GIA) physically eliminated” Lounès with the indirect responsibility for the Capacity “unable to protect Matoub” and of “many complicities and collusions with Islamism” in Kabylie. The RCD calls then with a walk on Thursday July 2, 1998 (the request for authorization was deposited on Saturday June 27, 1998 with 10h): no requirement of identification, arrest or punishment of the criminals appears in the watchwords of this walk, on the other hand the RCD invites “to honour the memory with all the martyrs of the democracy and to continue until its term the combat of Lounès Matoub”. In a press conference, on Monday June 29, 1998, Said Sadi persists, sign and brings precise details, for him, it does not make the shade of a doubt, the authors of the assassination of Matoub are elements of Hattab thus GIA, and this well before the “claim” of Hattab faxed at AFP Bureau of London. The gendarmerie of Blessed Douala, in a report drawn up fifteen days after the facts, allotted the assassination to a “terrorist group not identified”. Monday July 20, 1998, in an interview at the Evening of Algeria, Nadia Matoub (wife of Lounès and eyewitness of the drama), with the question: “The assassination of Lounès was asserted. ” answers: “That you want that I say. A blow like that, in full day. My court is in prey with the doubts. ”. This answer did not please certain militants of the RCD. The latter presented to him Malika Matoub, the sister of the singer, like an example to be followed. “Looks at Malika how it behaves. She ceases saying only those which kill are known”, said to him. Indeed, up to that point, Malika Matoub had shown the GIA: questioned by France 3, the evening of the drama, she had said “the question is not posed. They are the islamist ones. It is the GIA” and it had signed declarations written by militants of the RCD showing the GIA. But after the certainty, the doubt settles, in an interview granted with the Event of Thursday of the 22 at July 29, 1998, Malika Matoub excluded not the possibility of an assassination made by “a group armed handled by a fringe with the capacity”. From this interview, Malika Matoub will become the privileged target of uninterrupted attacks on behalf of the RCD and its media relays in the Algerian press. Most shameless of its vectors of the insult and the infamy of the RCD is the chronicler Mustapha Hammouche, ex-member of the national direction of the RCD and writer of the preliminary entry showing the GIA read by Nadia Matoub at the time of her press conference on October 7, 1998. All the actions undertaken by the sour of Matoub Lounès will then be fought by the RCD, to start with the creation of the Foundation bearing the name of the singer assassinated on October 12, 1998. The militants of the RCD, indeed, had suggested in Nadia Matoub the creation of a Foundation which “would not be that of the revenue” with the implication of “personalities which are recognized in the combat of Lounès” of which Mustapha Hammouche. On March 8, 1999, Na Aldjia Matoub (mother of Lounès Matoub) addresses a letter opened, remained without continuation, with the President of the Zéroual Republic. It recalls him that on October 24, 1998, with the call of the examining magistrate of the court of Tizi-Ouzou, it constituted civil part with her Malika daughter because they have more than doubts about the assassination of Lounès, it challenges it as a supreme magistrate of the country to make the light, all the light on the assassination of her son and affirms to him its determination to devote all the energy which remains to him to continue the combat for the truth. This requirement of truth will involve, after the doubts, of the standpoint even more virulent with regard to the family and of the Matoub Foundation, for unquestionable “its assassination was indeed asserted. One should not speculate in the authors of the crime”, for others “not with those which want to clear the GIA of its crimes” and a media lynching campaign will be started to stop more against the two people who “pervert the combat of Lounès, soil her heart and haggle over her bones”. On September 2, 1999, at the time of a meeting with Tizi Ouzou to promote his project of civil harmony, President Bouteflika, publicly and solemnly, committed himself opening a true investigation into the assassination of Lounès Matoub. Not only, this promise was not held, but it gave place to coarse and awkward attempt at burial of the Matoub business. Indeed, Algerian justice acceding to the request formulated by “certain mediums which the truth cannot that to disturb” tried to substitute for the priority claim of the Foundation and the Matoub family: truth and justice on the assassination of Lounès Matoub, a “sham trial on order” with a candidate with the inculpation who went on September 17, 1999 within the framework of the law on the civil harmony, presented by a daily newspaper (El Watan) as the kidnapper of Matoub in September 1994 which would have been according to its own revelations the “author of no crime of blood with Tizi Ouzou and its surroundings” and by another daily newspaper (Freedom) under the feather of Aomar Mohellebi quoting “a sure source” like “belonging to an armed group which assassinated Matoub Lounès”. This candidate with the inculpation which “on October 19, 1999 was led menotté and obviously tortured, for a 33 minutes visit to his parents, in company of five civil people whose deputy of the area (Nordine Aït Hamouda) which has nothing to do with the commission of probation”, kept the day of the sham trial “of the after-effects of torture with a bayonet”, “P signed. - V. whose remarks do not belong to him” and “would have been filmed “acknowledging” to have assassinated the singer Matoub Lounès”. The other candidate with the inculpation, decree “September 28, 1999 close to his residence with Tizi-Ouzou by men armed with the SM (Military Safety)”, “maintained in secret detention until the beginning of May 2000”, “wildly tortured”, “so maltreated” that its of torture had “to hospitalize it for one month at the military hospital of Blida”, was “in Tizi Ouzou with ten people. They ate sardines in a popular restaurant” at the time when the true assassins drew on Lounès Matoub. The lawsuit was deferred to an unspecified date. Since, no news on the progress report of the file.
publié par arkam rabah dans: arkam